Robert Mugabe: as divisive in death as he was in life
- Roger Southall
Robert Mugabe, the former president of Zimbabwe, has died.
Mugabe was 95, and had been struggling with ill health for some time. The country鈥檚 current President Emmerson Mnangagwa announced Mugabe鈥檚 death on Twitter on 6 September:
The responses to Mnangagwa鈥檚 announcement were immediate and widely varied. Some hailed Mugabe as a liberation hero. Others dismissed him as a 鈥渕onster鈥. This suggests that Mugabe will be as divisive a figure in death as he was in life.
The official mantra of the Zimbabwe government and its Zimbabwe African National Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) will emphasise his leadership of the struggle to overthrow racist settler regime in what was then Rhodesia. It will also extol his subsequent championing of the and the return of land into African hands.
In contrast, critics will highlight how 鈥 after initially after the liberation war in 鈥 Mugabe threw away the promise of the early independence years. He did this in several ways, among them a on political opposition in , and Zanu-PF鈥檚 systematic to keep he and his cronies in power.
They鈥檒l also mention the over which he presided, and the during his presidency.
Inevitably, the focus will primarily be on his domestic record. Yet many of those who will sing his praises as a will be from elsewhere on the continent. So where should we place Mugabe among the pantheon of African nationalists who led their countries to independence?
Slide into despotism
Most African countries have been independent of colonial rule for .
The early African nationalist leaders were often regarded as gods at independence. Yet they very quickly came to be perceived as having feet of very heavy clay.
Nationalist leaders symbolised African freedom and liberation. But few were to prove genuinely tolerant of democracy and diversity. One party rule, nominally in the name of 鈥渢he people鈥, became widespread. In some cases, it was linked to interesting experiments in one-party democracy, as seen in Tanzania under Julius Nyerere and Zambia under Kenneth Kaunda.
Even in these cases, intolerance and authoritarianism . Often, party rule was .
In Zimbabwe鈥檚 case, Mugabe proved unable to shift the country, as he had wished, to one-partyism. However, this did not prevent Zanu-PF becoming increasingly intolerant over the years in response to both economic crisis and rising opposition. Successive elections were shamelessly perverted.
When, despite this, in 2008, it responded by rigging the presidential election in a campaign of unforgivable brutality. Under Mugabe, the potential for democracy was snuffed out by a brutal despotism.
A wasted inheritance
Whether the economic policies they pursued were ostensibly capitalist or socialist, the early African nationalist leaders presided over , following an initial period of relative prosperity after independence.
In retrospect, it鈥檚 widely recognised that the challenges they faced were immense. Most post-colonial economies were underdeveloped and depended upon the export of a small number of agricultural or mineral commodities. From the 1970s, growth was crowded out by the International Monetary Fund demanding that mounting debts be surmounted through the pursuit of . This hindered spending on infrastructure as well as and swelled political discontent.
In contrast, Mugabe inherited a viable, relatively broad-based economy that included substantial industrial and prosperous commercial agricultural sectors. Even though these were largely white controlled, there was far greater potential for development than in most other post-colonial African countries.
But, through massive corruption and mismanagement, his government threw that potential away. He also presided over a disastrous downward spiral of the economy, which saw both industry and . The economy has never recovered and remains in a state of acute and persistent crisis today.
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Reputation
On the political front, the rule of some leaders 鈥 like and 鈥 created so much conflict that coups and crises drove their countries into civil war. Zimbabwe under Mugabe was spared this fate 鈥 but perhaps only because the political opposition in Matabeleland in the 1980s was so brutalised after up to , that they shrank from more conflict. Peace, then, was merely the absence of outright war.
Some leaders, notably Ghana鈥檚 and in Tanzania, are still revered for their commitments to national independence and African unity. This is despite the fact that, domestically, their records were marked by failure. By 1966, when Nkrumah was , his one-party rule had become politically corrupt and repressive.
Despite this, Nyerere always retained his reputation for personal integrity and commitment to African development. Both Nkrumah鈥檚 and Nyerere鈥檚 ideas continue to inspire younger generations of political activists, while other post-independence leaders鈥 names are largely forgotten.
Will Mugabe be similarly feted by later generations? Will the enormous flaws of his rule be forgotten amid celebrations of his unique role in the liberation of southern Africa as a whole?
A Greek tragedy
The problem for pan-Africanist historians who rush to praise Mugabe is that they will need to repudiate the contrary view of the millions of Zimbabweans who have suffered under his rule or have fled the country to escape it. He contributed no political ideas that have lasted. He inherited the benefits as well as the costs of settler rule but reduced his country to penury. He destroyed the best of its institutional inheritance, notably an efficient civil service, which could have been put to good use for all.
The cynics would say that the reputation of , as an African revolutionary and fighter for Congolese unity has lasted because he was . In other words, he had the historical good fortune to die young, without the burden of having made major and grievous mistakes.
In contrast, there are many who would say that Mugabe simply lived too long, and his life was one of Greek tragedy: his early promise and virtue marked him out as popular hero, but he died a monster whom history will condemn.
, Professor of Sociology,
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